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Ontario Education Policy: The Real Impact of Ford’s OSAP Changes

Doug Ford has always struck me as an “anti-education” kind of guy. He doesn’t have a university degree and dropped out of Humber College. Presumably, there was no university degree requirement for him to join his family’s multi-million-dollar business. In fact, Ford has never held a job outside the company his father started or politics—first at Toronto City Hall and now provincially.


His populist style gives me the impression of someone who may be insecure about his lack of formal education and who positions himself against people with advanced degrees, often labelling them as “elites.”


Despite branding himself as something of a Captain Canada—or perhaps Captain Ontario—Ford’s actions haven’t exactly aligned with what’s needed to make Ontario a leader in education, particularly in higher education and STEM fields.


Maybe this is just my personal view. But when you look at the policy decisions, the pattern seems hard to ignore.


For example:

  • Ford introduced Bill 124, which capped and suppressed teachers’ raises. Although the bill was eventually struck down by the courts, it triggered multiple labour disputes and strikes over funding and class sizes.

  • He introduced Bill 28 during the 2022 CUPE workers’ strike, only to rescind it after massive backlash (do you see a pattern here?).

  • His government has continued to reduce per-pupil funding, contributing to recruitment challenges and growing concerns about violence in schools.


In higher education, the numbers are equally troubling. Ontario has the lowest domestic spending per student of any province in Canada. Since 2018, Ford’s government has cut roughly $1.1 billion, pushing many institutions into significant deficits.


Then there was the 10% tuition cut followed by a seven-year tuition freeze, with no corresponding increase in government funding. Unsurprisingly, universities and colleges compensated by relying heavily on international students for revenue.


We all know how that worked out.


So with that background in mind, let’s talk about the Ford government’s most recent higher-education announcements. As often happens with Ford’s policies, it’s not that everything is bad. In fact, some parts are reasonable. But somehow there’s always a decision mixed in that undermines the whole thing.


Let’s dive in.


In mid-February, the Ford government made three announcements related to higher education:

  • Allowing an increase in tuition fees

  • Announcing $6.4 billion in new institutional funding

  • Overhauling the Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP)


In my view, two of these are partially right. One is very wrong.


The first two measures are at least a step in the right direction. After years of tuition freezes, over-reliance on international students, and now federal caps on those students, institutions are struggling. Colleges alone have cut $1.4 billion in costs, suspended more than 600 programs, and eliminated over 8,000 positions.


The modest 2% tuition increase now being allowed will give institutions some breathing room to maintain educational quality.


But there are still issues with that approach—and I’ll come back to them.


The biggest problem, however, lies in the OSAP overhaul. While the government is providing some financial relief to institutions, it’s doing so by shifting the burden onto students—particularly those from lower-income families.


Under the new structure, a maximum of 25% of student aid will come as non-repayable grants, with 75% delivered as loans.


Under the previous system, a student receiving $6,000 in provincial OSAP aid could get up to $5,100 in grants. Under the new rules, that same student will receive only $1,500 in grants and at least $4,500 in loans.


That’s roughly $3,600 more in debt every year.


Over a four-year degree, that adds up to more than $14,000 in additional debt, with provincial interest starting to accrue immediately after graduation.


Not surprisingly, this change will hit low-income students the hardest.


Ford has argued that OSAP was unsustainable in its previous form. But this is also the government proposing to spend $100 billion on a 60-kilometre tunnel under Highway 401. Apparently, we can afford that, but grants for low-income students are the budget breaker.


To make matters worse, the $6.4 billion in new institutional funding is partially financed through these OSAP changes. In other words, students with the least financial flexibility are helping pay for funding increases that became necessary largely because of years of underinvestment.


The result is pretty clear. Students from middle- and high-income families will mostly see a 2% tuition increase.


Students who depend on OSAP, however, will graduate with significantly higher debt.


So what are the alternatives?


For starters, how about allowing a 5% tuition increase instead of 2%? After a 10% cut and seven years of frozen tuition, that hardly seems unreasonable. The difference between a 2% and 5% increase would generate roughly $150 million more per year. That wouldn’t fully restore the previous OSAP structure, but it would be a meaningful start.


A predictable 3–5% annual tuition increase could gradually rebuild funding while protecting grant support for lower-income students.


Or consider some other options.


How about cancelling the $400-million parking structure planned for Ontario Place, which is being built to support an expensive private spa that arguably never should have been approved for public land in the first place? (Also, a quick urban-planning aside: build parking and people will drive. Don’t build parking and provide good transit, and people take transit—which, by the way, is better for the environment.)


Or stop the plan to build a new, smaller Ontario Science Centre for $1.1 billion—a number that will likely climb higher. Instead, spend $300 million repairing and modernizing the existing heritage building, which remains one of Toronto’s most unique public spaces.


And while we’re at it, how about addressing the cronyism and questionable deals that keep popping up around the Ford government—from the Greenbelt controversy to various grant programs?


That alone could save millions.


And this is just my starter list.


What makes the OSAP decision particularly frustrating is that it fits a broader pattern.


Take the elimination of automobile licence plate renewal fees, which now costs the province about $1 billion per year. That single decision would fully cover the cost of maintaining the previous OSAP grant structure.


Yes, the cost of living has gone up, and governments should help. But why not target relief to lower-income families? Why are we giving free licence renewals to people in Rosedale or on the Bridle Path who own multiple $100,000 cars?


That’s what I mean by stupid policy.


The same applies to the $200 cheques sent to every Ontarian, which cost roughly $3 billion. Again, helping people with rising costs is fine. But why send cheques to wealthy households that clearly don’t need them?


Targeted programs are cheaper and more effective.


As you can see, there are plenty of ways to fund a stronger OSAP system while keeping post-secondary education accessible.


If we truly believe—like the government’s advertising claims—that an educated workforce is essential to Ontario’s future, then weakening OSAP is exactly the wrong move.


Changes like this will force many students to reconsider pursuing higher education. For some, the added debt will simply make it impossible.


There are already protests happening across the province over these changes. If this issue matters to you, now is the time to speak up.


Let’s not allow a government that seems skeptical of higher education to limit opportunities for bright students who simply want the chance to earn a degree.


Let me know what you think at thethirdperiod.ca@gmail.com.



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